As West Bengal’s political battleground gets more swarming, veteran Trinamool Congress (TMC) leader and Member of Parliament (MP) Saugata Roy, on June 15, drew a stark line between allegiance and mutiny of the fissiparous faction, insisting West Bengal’s faith remains firmly anchored in his party supremo, Mamata Banerjee.
Thank you for reading this post, don't forget to subscribe!Politics in the state has never been short of drama. If elections are the main act, defections are often the intermission entertainment. And on Tuesday, Roy ensured that the political theatre remained packed, delivering a blistering broadside against seceders that have emerged from within the party’s former ranks.
The message from the Kalighat TMC camp was loud, clear and wrapped in unmistakable political sarcasm: Bengal may have changed governments, but according to the TMC, the state’s emotional and political investment in Mamata remains very much intact.
Speaking on behalf of the party’s leadership, Roy launched a scathing attack on what he described as the ‘Gaddar’ team — a term that translates to ‘turncoat’— while drawing a sharp contrast with what he called the original and legitimate ‘TMC squadron.’
His remarks come at a crucial juncture for West Bengal politics, where the TMC is navigating unfamiliar territory after losing power in the 2026 Assembly elections and repositioning itself as the principal opposition force against the BJP-led government.
TWO TEAMS, ONE POLITICAL VERDICT?
For Roy, the political landscape is now divided into two camps. “There are two teams — the TMC team and the ‘Gaddar’ team,” he declared, setting the tone for what quickly turned into a pointed critique of former colleagues who have charted separate political paths.
The veteran parliamentarian argued that the distinction goes beyond personalities and extends into ideology, alliances, symbols and public trust.
According to Roy, the TMC continues to carry the identity that voters have associated with the party for decades — the iconic twin flowers election symbol and the leadership of Mamata.
The rival formation, he noted, has chosen a different name, a different symbol and, in his view, a different political destination altogether. In the rough-and-tumble world of West Bengal politics, party symbols are more than just election graphics. They are emotional trademarks. Roy’s argument was simple: while others may have left with political ambitions, they did not leave with the mandate.
MAMATA BANERJEE REMAINS THE CENTRE OF GRAVITY
For years, Mamata has been the defining figure of Bengal politics. Whether supporters call her ‘Didi’ or opponents criticise her governance, few dispute her ability to dominate political discourse.
Roy’s comments sought to reinforce precisely that narrative. The TMC leader insisted that despite electoral setbacks and the emergence of splinter groups, Mamata remains the central force around which Bengal’s opposition politics revolves.
The statement reflects a broader strategy being adopted by the party in the aftermath of its electoral defeat. While governments can change, the Trinamool appears determined to convince voters that leadership credibility and grassroots connection remain firmly in its corner.
For the party, the challenge is no longer merely about defending a government. It is about defending a political legacy. And in that battle, Mamata remains the principal campaigner, chief strategist and most recognisable political brand.
INDIA BLOC VS NDA: ROY DRAWS THE BATTLE LINES
Roy also sought to highlight what he views as a fundamental ideological divide between the Trinamool Congress and the rebel formation. According to him, the TMC remains a constituent of the opposition INDIA bloc, the coalition formed to challenge the BJP at the national level.
The rival group, on the other hand, has aligned itself with the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The distinction was not accidental. In modern Indian politics, alliances often matter as much as individual candidates.
By emphasising the INDIA-versus-NDA divide, Roy attempted to frame the political contest not merely as a family feud within Bengal politics but as part of a larger national ideological battle. It was also a reminder that while political leaders may switch camps, voters often evaluate where those camps eventually lead.
“Veteran Trinamool Congress (TMC) leader and Member of Parliament (MP) Saugata Roy launched a scathing attack on what he described as the ‘Gaddar’ team — a term that translates to ‘turncoat’— while drawing a sharp contrast with what he called the original and legitimate TMC squadron”
THE VOTE SHARE ARGUMENT
No political speech in Bengal is complete without statistics, and Roy came armed with numbers. Seeking to underscore the TMC’s continuing relevance, he pointed to the party’s performance in the recent elections.
“The TMC got 41 per cent of the vote in Bengal despite the BJP stealing, looting and capturing all agencies in the recent elections,” Roy alleged.
The claim reflects a broader line of attack that the Trinamool Congress has consistently employed in its criticism of the BJP. The party has repeatedly argued that institutional mechanisms were used against it during election campaigns and political confrontations.
The BJP has firmly rejected such allegations, maintaining that electoral outcomes reflected the democratic will of voters rather than any misuse of institutions. Nevertheless, Roy’s emphasis on the 41 per cent vote share reveals an important strategic calculation.
For a party adjusting to opposition politics, retaining a substantial voter base becomes a critical talking point. The message is straightforward: defeat at the ballot box does not necessarily mean political irrelevance.
In electoral mathematics, 41 per cent remains a formidable figure. In political messaging, it becomes evident that the battle is far from over.
THE SHADOW OF DEFECTIONS
Few developments unsettle political parties more than defections. West Bengal’s political history is littered with leaders crossing ideological rivers, switching party colours and reinventing themselves under new banners. The current dispute reflects that phenomenon exactly.
The TMC has repeatedly accused former leaders who have launched separate political initiatives of betraying the party’s ideology, organisational values and electoral mandate.
Roy’s remarks fit squarely within that narrative. The use of the word “Gaddar” was deliberate and loaded with symbolism. Political language often aims not just to criticise opponents but to define them. By branding defectors as turncoats, the Trinamool hopes to frame the debate around loyalty rather than leadership ambitions.
Whether that strategy succeeds remains an open question. But it is clear that the party sees the battle against former colleagues as almost as important as its fight against the BJP.
A NEW BENGAL, A NEW POLITICAL REALITY
The backdrop to Roy’s comments is a dramatically altered political landscape. For over a decade, the Trinamool Congress held power in West Bengal. That era came to an end in the 2026 Assembly elections when the BJP secured victory and formed a government under Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari.
The change marked one of the most significant political transitions in the state’s recent history. Today, Bengal politics looks very different. The BJP governs, TMC opposes, former allies have become rivals, former rivals now occupy positions of authority, and every political statement carries the weight of a larger battle over the state’s future direction.
Roy’s comments are therefore not merely about a rebel faction. They are about redefining the Trinamool Congress in opposition.
MAMATA LOYALIST NOW AT THE FOREFRONT OF TMC REBELLION
In a dramatic turn of events following the TMC’s defeat in the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections, Mamata’s closest and longest-serving associates have emerged as the face of a growing rebellion within the party.
Barasat MP Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar, long regarded as a trusted confidante of Mamata, was among the first senior leaders to publicly voice dissent within the TMC’s parliamentary party. She subsequently resigned from all official positions, signalling a deepening rift within the organisation. The rebellion comes amid unrest among TMC legislators over the party’s choice of Leader of Opposition in the West Bengal Assembly.
As a group of 58 MLAs protested the leadership decision, a parallel revolt unfolded in Parliament, where 20 of the TMC’s 28 Lok Sabha MPs, led by the 66-year-old Ghosh Dastidar, broke ranks with the party and initiated steps to merge with the relatively lesser-known Nationalist Citizens Party of India (NCPI).
With 28 MPs in the Lok Sabha, the TMC remains the third-largest opposition party after the Congress (99 MPs) and the Samajwadi Party (37 MPs). The rebel camp’s strength of 19 MPs — more than the two-thirds threshold required under anti-defection provisions — potentially enables it to avoid disqualification under the law.
The rebel MPs have maintained that they do not intend to formally join the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), though they have indicated they would extend support to the ruling coalition.
Among the MPs who have aligned with the breakaway faction are Kakoli Ghosh Dastidar, Satabdi Roy, Bapi Haldar, Sharmila Sarkar, Sharmila Bandhyopadhyay, Jagadish Barma Basunia, Asit Kumar Mal, Arup Chakraborty, Rachna Banerjee, Saayoni Ghosh, Khalilur Rahman, Abu Taher Khan, Yusuf Pathan, Mitali Baig, Mala Roy, Kalipada Soren, Deepak Adhikari, June Malia and Partha Bhowmick.
The parliamentary revolt follows an earlier rebellion among TMC legislators in the Assembly. Ousted MLA Ritabrata Banerjee had claimed that 58 of the party’s 80 MLAs were recognised as part of the opposition group in the West Bengal Assembly, exposing growing cracks within the organisation after its electoral setback.
On June 15, after submitting a letter to Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla seeking recognition of the rebel MPs as a separate bloc, Dastidar asserted that the split had the backing of two-thirds of the party’s Lok Sabha contingent.
“Two-thirds of the TMC’s MPs have submitted a letter to the Speaker seeking a separate seating arrangement. We will merge with the Nationalist Citizens Party of India (NCPI) and support the NDA,” she said.
The development marks a striking political shift for Ghosh Dastidar, who for decades was considered one of Mamata’s most steadfast loyalists.
She stood by Mamata’s side when the TMC was founded in 1998, following Mamata’s split from the Congress. Their association dates back even further, to their years together in the Congress party. The relationship stretches back to 1984, when Mamata first contested a Lok Sabha election and defeated veteran CPI(M) leader Somnath Chatterjee in a landmark political upset.
As Mamata built her image as a combative street fighter through relentless agitations against the then Left Front government, often sustaining injuries during protests, Dastidar remained one of her closest aides. Party insiders recall that she frequently took charge of arranging medical treatment and support whenever Banerjee was injured during political campaigns and demonstrations.
That a leader once seen as part of Mamata’s innermost circle is now spearheading a rebellion against the party underscores the scale of the political churn underway within the Trinamool Congress in the aftermath of its electoral defeat.
THE SAFFRON PUSHES BACK
Unsurprisingly, the BJP has dismissed the accusations made by TMC leaders. The ruling party has consistently rejected allegations of institutional misuse and political targeting.
Instead, BJP leaders argue that the TMC is attempting to shift attention away from questions surrounding its own record during its years in government.
For the BJP, the narrative is simple: electoral victory reflected public dissatisfaction with the previous administration. For the TMC, the explanation is very different. This clash of narratives is likely to define Bengal politics in the years ahead. One side claims a mandate for change. The other claims continued to maintain public trust despite electoral defeat. In politics, perception often matters almost as much as reality. And both sides are working aggressively to shape that perception.
THE OPPOSITION’S IDENTITY CRISIS—OR OPPORTUNITY?
Political observers believe the latest exchange highlights a larger question confronting the TMC.
How has a party built around governance reinvented itself as an opposition movement? The answer, at least for now, appears to be through a combination of organisational rebuilding, ideological positioning and continued reliance on Mamata Banerjee’s political appeal.
Roy’s comments suggest the party believes its strongest asset remains the same one that powered its rise to dominance years ago: Mamata Banerjee’s connection with Bengal’s electorate. The leadership appears convinced that while governments may come and go, political loyalty can endure. Whether voters agree will ultimately be determined in future elections.
BENGAL’S POLITICAL CHESSBOARD GETS CROWDED
If Bengal politics were a chessboard, every piece is currently in motion. The BJP occupies the king’s square of governance. The TMC is repositioning its bishops and rooks from the opposition benches. Former leaders are attempting to carve out new political spaces. And voters are watching the game unfold move by move. Against that backdrop, Roy’s latest remarks serve as both an attack and a rallying cry.
An attack on those who walked away from the party. A rallying cry for supporters still invested in the leadership of Mamata. The underlying message is unmistakable: governments may change, alliances may shift, and party offices may relocate, but the TMC believes Bengal’s political heart still beats to the rhythm of its supremo’s leadership.
Whether that belief translates into future electoral success remains one of the biggest unanswered questions in Bengal politics. For now, however, the war of words is very much alive. And if Roy’s latest salvo is any indication, the battle for Bengal’s political narrative is only getting started.
